Unfortunately, the cost of falling into the trap of rentierism has been severe. It has turned us into people preoccupied with circulating talk; quarrelling over the most trivial matters, assigning importance to things of no importance, and speaking with full confidence without deep research, understanding, or knowledge. Are we aware of what our own hands have produced? Of the condition into which we have placed ourselves? And are we truly prepared to search for a solution and begin change?

What I am certain of is that a considerable segment does not want the solution, even if it appears before their eyes. That environment has its gains. It is fertile ground for certain individuals who exploit it to build a public profile, securing access here and benefit there. The more issues multiply, even when their importance declines, the more positions arise that are counted as acts of heroism for whoever rides them with his imagined chivalry and borrowed steed, all in pursuit of climbing that pyramid.

Those stalled projects that were not completed on schedule, along with other issues, carried an ugliness that cannot be tolerated: shortcomings and manipulation within state institutions, restrictions on opinion and culture, deterioration in the quality of education, decline in healthcare services, and manipulation in markets and tenders. These matters remain a clear sign and an enduring stain to this day, demonstrating plainly that this administrative pyramid is incapable of achieving a sustainable system — not economically alone, but politically, culturally, and socially as well.

As a loving citizen who hopes and longs to see his country flourishing in the prosperity it deserves, I ask, before we reach a point of no return on all fronts, and in order to achieve economic, political, social, and cultural sustainability: should we not turn our attention to the points of strength within a culture deeply rooted in society since the beginning of the rentier-state journey? What must be taken into account is that the principal strength of the Kuwaiti citizen lies in his ability to dedicate his efforts to taking advantage of every surrounding condition and policy that secures his own benefit across various fields and levels. The real challenge lies in unifying those scattered efforts in order to achieve the desired sustainability of the state as one whole.

In discussing all of this, what leads us toward achieving it is commitment to working according to the foundations of a healthy economy. A healthy economy is one whose prosperity and proper growth are achieved sustainably through the self-interest pursued by members of society. This concept is somewhat complex, for it points to the existence of domestic policies capable of harnessing the individual’s pursuit of personal benefit while simultaneously producing benefit for the state’s overall economy. Those policies are also capable of limiting any practices that achieve private gain for their owners when such practices negatively affect the broader national economy.

After the announcement of the “Kuwait 2035” vision, or “New Kuwait,” which appeared to lack the most basic foundations of sustainable economic visions — consisting largely of a list of previously approved mega-projects, amid administrative and political corruption and government bureaucracy, with objectives that do not achieve economic sustainability — we conclude that the governing constellation, in the sense previously described, is not sufficiently qualified to formulate or derive the policies that link individual benefit with the state’s macroeconomic interest in order to achieve the desired economic sustainability.

A sustainable economy is one that depends on external returns, managed through a decentralized and separate methodology, arising from domestic productivity, whether its foundation is local or foreign raw materials, provided that the resources of future generations are not depleted. This separate methodology means that the returns of the state’s macroeconomy do not flow only to the top of the administrative pyramid, but enter that pyramid through every one of its layers, while at the same time being managed independently.

Here, we reach point zero — or the point of transformation, if the expression is fitting — from which the journey of the transitional phase begins. It is a journey we have named the vision of the “People of Kuwait 2035”: “Kuwait of Sustainability.” This vision is grounded in the highest standards of economic visions. It is also qualified to confront the challenges arising from legislative shortcomings in what is applied under the Kuwaiti Constitution, while taking into account the most important Sustainable Development Goals set by the United Nations, and dedicating its effort to achieving the greatest benefit for the Kuwaiti economy as one whole, and for every member of its society.

What does the factor of institutions reveal about rentier culture?

Rentier culture links gains to the state more than to production, making reform look like a threat rather than a necessary transition. Through the angle of institutions, the result appears not only in declared language, but in the policy’s ability to change incentives and outcomes.

How does rentier culture and national reform incentives affect Kuwait?

Its effect appears in how costs, incentives, and resources are managed, and in Kuwait's ability to turn decisions into sustainable value. The direct context is kuwait’s rentier culture and a call for “Kuwait of Sustainability,” linking individual incentives to national economic reform.

What does the factor of institutions reveal about public debate?

Debate supports reform when it seeks evidence and results; it obstructs reform when it becomes accusation, denial, or short-term gain. Through the angle of institutions, the result appears not only in declared language, but in the policy’s ability to change incentives and outcomes.

What does the factor of institutions reveal about living standards and productivity?

Living standards cannot remain stable without real productivity, because welfare funded externally or by a depleting resource remains vulnerable. Through the angle of institutions, the result appears not only in declared language, but in the policy’s ability to change incentives and outcomes.